Template:SWTSWV (Chapter 3)
| April 26, 1862 - Rufus R. Dawes to ? |
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On Sunday, we marched out four miles, on the line of the Acquia Creek Railroad. Here we were engaged in building a great pole trestle bridge over Potomac creek.
The work was under direction of Herman Haupt, a volunteer engineer officer on the staff of General McDowell, and the bridge was considered a triumph of military engineering. I quote from General Andrew Hickenlooper, a description of this bridge. He says: "It was five hundred feet in length, and eighty feet in height, composed of unhewn trees and saplings, cut in the adjoining woods and placed in position by the troops of General McDowell's command. So rapidly was the work executed that the whole was completed within a period of nine days, which, allowing twelve working hours a day, required the placing in position of five hundred pieces of timber every hour. And so well was the work done that for several years it carried in safety from ten to fifteen heavy trains per day and resisted the destructive influence of several devastating floods." Lieutenant D.L. Quaw was in command of a large force getting out this bridge timber. Lieutenant Clayton E. Rogers was also doing work with his accustomed vim, having a large band of choppers. After this service, we again encamped opposite Fredericksburgh. No event worthy of mention transpired until Thursday, May 8th, when Brigadier General John Gibbon took command of our brigade and Colonel Cutler returned to the command of the regiment. General Gibbon graduated from West Point in 1847. In 1854 he was at West Point as Assistant Instructor of Artillery, which shows that he was considered, even then, master of his profession. The "Artillerists Manual," published in New York in 1859, was from his pen and was considered an extremely useful work. He was Captain of Battery "B" 4th U. S. Artillery in the regular service. He soon manifested superior qualities as a brigade commander. Thoroughly educated in the military profession, he had also high personal qualifications to exercise command. He was anxious that his brigade should excel in every way, and while he was an exacting disciplinarian he had the good sense to recognize merit where it existed. His administration of the command left a lasting impression for good upon the character and military tone of the brigade, and his splendid personal bravery upon the field of battle was an inspiration. The brigade was now known as "Gibbon's brigade."
We were ordered to procure an entire outfit of new hats and a supply of clothing. There Was complaint on the part of the men at being obliged to draw overcoats at the beginning of summer in a hot climate.
On the evening of the 10th of May, there was an alarm over the river beyond Fredericksburgh. The men received the announcement that they would probably be needed for a fight with a tremendous shout. They said "a year's fight was bottled up in them and it was spoiling to come out." It transpired however, that there were not enough rebels in the vicinity to accommodate our men with the desired fight.
We now had a large force of men engaged upon the timber work of the railroad bridge across the Rappahannock river. This bridge was of the same character as that of the Potomac Creek, and it was six hundred feet in length by sixty-five in height.
Meanwhile General McClellan's army was pressing on toward Richmond. A strong feeling possessed us that we were to be a mere side show while others performed the real acts of war. We had now been nearly a year in active service and could boast only of the inglorious battle at Patterson Park. This circumstance is the more notable, since statistics show that, when the war was ended, our brigade had lost more men killed in battle than any other brigade in the whole army of the Union. About this time I visited in the cemetery at Fredericksburgh, the tomb of Mary, the mother of Washington. The rebel soldiers, who had been encamped in this vicinity, had set targets against this sacred monument and it was shamefully defaced by bullets fired against it.
On Saturday, May 17th, the regiment was fully supplied with white leggings, black felt hats adorned with feathers, and white cotton gloves. These decorations were received with the greatest merriment, but we all felt proud of the fine appearance of the battalion. My journal says: "General Gibbon attended our dress parade to-day, and the regiment was in 'fine feather.'" The next day, a gay looking young rebel Captain came in with a flag of truce. The men, delighted to see a live rebel, flocked around him by hundreds. On the 19th of May, the great railroad bridge across the Rappahannock was completed, and a locomotive passed over into Fredericksburgh.
It is worthy of record, that on our pay-day, the men of my company, "K," sent home in various small sums to their families and friends, over $800, nearly one half of the entire pay received. General Shield's division joined us on the 23rd of May, and on this day President Abraham Lincoln and the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, were present at a review of our brigade. On Saturday, May 24th, the journal says: "The soldiers of Shield's division have christened us the 'bandbox brigade.' Our boys retort that they would rather wear leggings than be lousy. Shield's division are the dirtiest ragamuffins we have yet seen in the service." At this time General McDowell, himself a precise and exacting soldier, said of our brigade: "Many times I have shown them to foreign officers of distinction, as specimens of American Volunteer soldiers, and asked them if they had ever anywhere seen even among the picked soldiers of royal and imperial guards, a more splendid body of men, and I have never had an affirmative answer." The brigade was not excelled in the precision and accuracy of their movement by any other body of troops I have ever seen, not excepting the cadets at West Point. Beyond a doubt, it was this year of preparation that brought the "Iron Brigade" to its high standard of efficiency for battle service.
The next day we had marching orders, and to the great joy of the men, we moved toward Richmond. The men said: "As soon as old Abe saw our brigade, he knew it could take Richmond, and he has sent us to do it." But we marched only eight miles south of Fredericksburgh, and encamped for several days in the woods. We here received news of the disastrous retreat of General Banks in the Shenandoah valley, before the swift advance of Stonewall Jackson.
The next two weeks journal, is the record of experiences on a wild goose chase by McDowell's corps, after Stonewall Jackson, who was in the Shenandoah valley.
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A few weeks later (Fredericks Hall raid) upon an equally sultry day, our regiment marched thirty-five miles without knapsacks. The men were here absurdly over burdened. They had been required to carry each an overcoat, an extra pair of shoes, and an extra pair of pants. These superfluous articles, added to the necessary hundred rounds of ball cartridges, shelter tent, gum and woolen blankets, haversack full of rations, canteen full of water, musket and accoutrements, were a load beyond the strength of ordinary men. Our young boys were broken down by the needless overtaxing of their strength. I can not say who was responsible for such management. I know, however, that General McDowell, whether justly or unjustly, was thoroughly cursed for it. Vast numbers of new overcoats, and many knapsacks were flung away by the exhausted men on this march. The men said they were "issuing overcoats to the rebel cavalry," and it is very likely that they were. I know well the weight of those monstrous knapsacks from personal experience. Many a mile I carried a knapsack on my shoulders to aid the tired and weak of my company. I well remember seeing strong men carrying two knapsacks, and sometimes stout Abe Fletcher loaded up with three, to help the "little fellows"[2] along. At Gettysburg, this kind hearted man fell dead at the front of battle. But the smallest man in the company was a marvel. He was a diminutive Irishman, named Hugh Talty. In recognition of his shortness he was called "Tall T." He would often carry an extra knapsack for the "little fellows." In the distribution of new clothing, there was a difficulty in properly "sizing up" the company. "Tall T" was under the smallest size contemplated in the Regulations, and he could never be fitted. Poor "Tall T" sometimes had pantaloons that would almost button around his neck. I gave this matter particular attention. "Who's your tailor, 'Tall T?' " once shouted a man as we marched. "The captain, be gob," came back like a flash from "Tall T."
There was another little Irishman in the company whom we called "Mickey," (James P. Sullivan.) For genuine sallies of humor at unexpected times, I have never seen his equal. He was a heroic soldier, and he was shot and severely wounded, three different times in battle. "Micky" and "Tall T" were both shot, and laid in the same hospital together at Gettysburg. They softened the sufferings of many by their unconquerable good humor and genuine wit. Such men are of priceless value in an army.
The most caustic comment I can make on this campaign, is to quote the remarks of a deserter from Stonewall Jackson's army, who came to us at some time during the marching. He said, "You uns is pack mules, we uns is race horses." "All old Jackson gave us, was a musket, a hundred rounds and a gum blanket, and he 'druv us so like hell,' that I could not stand it on parched corn." Another saying of some Johnny from Jackson's corps was quoted then. He said: "We uns durst leave our mammy. You uns is tied to granny Lincoln's apron string."
Our men called their knapsacks, "Saratoga trunks." The weary details of the hot and dusty tramp need not be repeated. We marched from Fredericksburgh to Warrenton, and then from Warrenton to Fredericksburgh, opposite which city we were again encamped on June 10th, 1862. With Jackson, celerity was success. With us, ponderosity was military science.
The most pleasant incident of the expedition, was our camp, in a beautiful grove near the village of Warrenton, which is delightfully situated, overlooking an extensive mountain landscape. Here we enjoyed a luxury, not common in that region, good, pure water. Some of the first families of Virginia, made their homes here, but we found the first people particularly bitter in their hostility.
It was my custom to attend church with my company, while we were in camp near Fredericksburgh. On Sunday, June 15th, I attended the Episcopal church with fifty men. The men enjoyed attending church, as it seemed homelike. We were kindly received, and made welcome by the minister, but so much can not be said for the people.
In the camp near Fredericksburgh, our enlisted men had their brasses scoured, guns wiped, white gloves washed, and shoes blacked by the contrabands who swarmed about them. How these people lived being a mystery to me, I one day cornered a very black, but quick witted little imp, called "Mink." "Mink," said I, "where did you come from?" "Bides hole, sah!" (Boyd's Hole, below Fredericksburgh.) "What do you eat?" "I picks up a bone, sah!" "Where do you sleep?" "I sleeps under a leaf, sah!" "What do you do?" "I teaches school, sah!" Sure enough, investigation proved that this little black "Mink" was teaching a class of other contrabands their letters, which he had already quickly learned himself. As "Mink" explained matters to me, our colored barber, who came with us from Wisconsin, "done bossed the school," but the colored barber himself could not read. He was only useful in keeping order.
(Journal.)
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There were four of the original captains remaining on the rolls who had been mustered into the United States service on the same day, July 16th, 1861. There still remained an unsettled question as to their relative rank.
(Journal.)
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Sunday, June 22nd, 1862. "I attended the Episcopal church with my company. Private Hoel Trumbull ran away from us, but was caught and locked up in the guard house. He spent a season in meditation. He thinks, on the whole, the church would have been the lesser evil. Colonel Sweet has received notice of the acceptance of his resignation."
(letter.) Camp Opposite Fredericksburgh,
July 1st, 1862.
"For a week I have been fighting a bilious fever, but now have the mastery and am rapidly recovering. I have also won another victory which will please you. I have received a commission as major and am no more a captain. I sent my papers for presenta- tion to the Governor of Wisconsin (Edward Salomon) to my friend, William F. Vilas, at Madison. Vilas writes that he called at the Governor's office and sent in word that he wished to see him in connection with the majorship of the Sixth regiment."
"The Governor came to the door and said : 'Mr. Vilas, I do not wish to hear anything more upon that subject. The friends of Mr. Haskell have already harassed me beyond my patience. I shall make no appointment until I hear more fully from the regiment.'
'Oh! but,' says I, 'I happen to be on the other side of that question.' 'Walk right in Mr. Vilas,' says he, 'I am glad to see you' I went in and presented your case the best I could, and have since learned with great pleasure that your commission has been issued. Accept of my dexter in token of heartiest congrat- ulation."
"This promotion comes very fortunately just before active operations against the enemy, which I doubt not will soon take place, since Gen. Pope has been sent to command our army."
When Colonel Cutler assumed command of the brigade, Haskell went upon his staff. It was an unfortunate step, as it put entirely out of the line of promotion one of the finest officers Wisconsin sent to the war. General Gibbon, who was intimately associated with him, has said that Haskell "was better qualified to command an army corps than many who enjoyed that honor." He continued to serve on staff duty until 1864 when he was
^C^jt^aU. Qtfrns \JffUs,
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appointed Colonel of the 36th Wisconsin. He was killed at the battle of Cold Harbor, while exposing his own life to encourage his regiment to attack the enemy's works.
"We hail the coming of General Pope with much satisfaction. There is a strong feeling among the soldiers against McDowell. He is considered incompetent, if not disloyal." This harsh opinion of General McDowell is only suffered to appear as a moderate expression of the prejudice existing at that time among our officers and men against him. This whole question was considered in the McDowell Court of inquiry, and I make no effort to explain the cause.
July 4th was celebrated with festivities and merry-making. Gibbon's brigade gathered upon a large plain, where there was horse racing, foot racing, and other amusements and athletic ex- ercises. There was a great mule race, a sack race, and a greased pig. Wagon master, William Sears, of our regiment, won the mule race. The prize in this case was for the mule that got through last. Each rider accordingly whipped another's mule, holding back his own. Sears rode a balky mule which would go backward whenever whipped. Captain Hollon Richardson, of the seventh Wisconsin, won the foot race.
Near Fredericksburgh, July 10th, 1862.
"I am not near Richmond, nor likely to be. General Pope is charged with the same old duty of guarding Washington. So unless the rebels move on Washington, our future presents a peaceful aspect."
Camp Opposite Fredericksburgh, July 18th, 1862.
"General Pope's bombastic proclamation has not tended to increase confidence, indeed the effect is exactly the contrary. (Pope's celebrated order, concerning Lines of Retreat, and Bases of Supply, is here referred to.) For the present, I do not anticipate that we will move from Fredericksburgh. Should Stonewall Jackson make another raid, we will likely take the same tramp in pursuit of him. King's division with some detachments under General Doubleday, are now the only troops here. I think General Pope does not reinforce us here, for fear of General Jackson in the valley Of course we feel eager to be something more than ornamental file-closers. Our regiment has
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been more than a year in the service; and in soldierly bearing, perfection in drill, and discipline, we do not yield the palm to the regulars in any service."
Camp Opposite Fredericksburgh, July 28th, 1862.
"We have just got back after a dash toward Orange Court House. This is one of the fruits of the policy of our new commander, General Pope. Our boys are growing enthusiastic in the prospect of a general who has a little life. We left camp by order of General Pope, on July 25th, and marched fifteen miles on the Gordonsville plank road, to a point where the road forks. We remained in this position, while other troops made a raid within five miles of Gordonsville. The rebels are concentrating in some force at that point, and I think General Pope will offer battle. If the forces are nearly matched, we will defeat them. I judge of the Southern army by the character of the prisoners we have taken, and our division is superior to such troops. When we were at the front, an old negro slave came in the middle of the night to our picket line. He said that "Massa Bullock," a lieutenant in the rebel army, was in a house, a mile away. I took forty men, surrounded the house, and captured him. He was a fine young scion of a first family of Virginia. He was not in uniform, and he denied my right to take him as a soldier. When the darky identified him, he asked me if I would 'take the word of a nigger.' ? But when I proposed that he take the oath of allegiance,* he said that I might take a horse to water, but I could not make him drink. So I brought the gentleman in as a prisoner of war. General Pope's orders are carried out in good faith, and, so far as I know, no abuse has been perpetrated, "t
The colored man who came to our picket line was very old. I felt suspicious of a trap, and questioned him closely as to his motives in making such disclosures. He said "Fore God, Massa, we knows you uns is our friends. Its the L,ord's will, that the colored folks help you uns." I told him that if he led us into an ambush, he would certainly be the first one killed; but he led the way, audibly praying God to sustain him.
- See Volume XII, Part 1, Page 271, War Records, as to oaths of
allegiance. tReference to orders concerning foraging.
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From the consolidated morning report of Major General Pope, July 31st, 1862, the number of men present for duty, in the ranks of Gibbon's brigade was 40 companies, 2,664 men. To this must be added at least 1 50 for commissioned officers, making a total of about 2,800 for duty in the brigade. This was just before engaging in the hard and bloody campaign of forty-five days, covering the battles of Gainesville and Bull Run Second, under General Pope, and the battles of South Mountain and Antietam, in the Maryland campaign. In these operations, Gibbon's brigade suffered a loss of 1,592 men killed or wounded, and by its heroic conduct, acquired 'the historic title of the "Iron Brigade;" by whom first applied, I do not know.
The Fredericks Ha^ Raid. The regiment left camp opposite Fredericksburgh, at 2 o'clock, on the morning of August 5th, 1862, as a part of an expedition intended to cut the Virginia Central Railroad. General Gibbon was in command of the force sent forward for this purpose. He divided his force, placing Colonel Cutler in command of about one thousand men.* The troops were without knapsacks, and stripped for a race. Colonel Cutler marched by the Orange plank road for several miles, and then turned south, passing by a narrow road through Spottsylvania Court House. Cutler's flying column marched thirty-five miles on this day, one of the very hottest of the summer. General Gibbon's force (about 3,000 men) marched on the Telegraph road, running south from Fredericksburgh. They accomplished fifteen miles. He discovered that the rebel General, J. E. B. Stuart, was advancing by the Bowling Green road on his left, with a strong force. All possibility of General Gibbon's force surprising the enemy was gone, and he moved his troops over to the Spottsylvania road, to cover the retreat of Colonel Cutler's detachment. Unconscious of the happenings narrated, our column had reached a place called Mount Pleasant, fifteen or twenty miles from the railroad. Here, at eleven o'clock at night, a courier from General Gibbon, caught us sound asleep in bivouac, except the
- Six companies of the Ira Harris cavalry, two guns of Gerrish's (N. H.)
battery, under Lieutenant Edgell, and 650 of our best men of the Sixth were present in the ranks.
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proper guards. General Gibbon sent by his courier to Colonel Cutler, the facts of the situation, and directed him to act according to his judgment. Colonel Cutler called a midnight council of the field officers. Besides the Commander, there were present, Colonel J. Mansfield Davies, Lieutenant Colonel Judson Kilpatrick, Major H. W Davies of the cavalry, Lieutenant Edgell of the artillery, and Lieutenant Colonel E. S. Bragg and Major R. R. Dawes of the infantry. Colonel Cutler explained that we were many miles in advance of our supporting column, and that General Stuart, with a force estimated at five thousand men, was behind us. Before us was the North Anna river, an unfordable stream, with wooden bridges that could be easily burned. Seven miles beyond the river was the railroad. The main force under General Gibbon had abandoned the effort to reach the railroad. The question was, should we go on and attempt to destroy the railroad as originally proposed, taking our chances of peril in front and rear, or should we fall back upon Gibbon's force which was waiting for us. Lieutenant Colonels Kilpatrick and Bragg, argued strongly in favor of going on.* They urged that this was the safest, as well as the most honorable course and such was the decision of the council. At the earliest dawn, the column started for the railroad. The men were given an intimation of the situation, and told that everything depended upon their speed. About one hundred and fifty of the foot-sore and weary men were left at Carl's bridge, over the North Anna, under Captain P.W Plummer, to hold it for our retreat. When we approached Fredericks Hall station, Kilpatrick charged in with the cavalry, and cut the telegraph wires, and picketed the roads. Lieutenant Edgell put his guns in position to cover the retreat, and our men were kept hard at work for some time, destroying the railroad track, and the torch was applied to all Confederate Government and railroad property.f We then hurried back to
- Lieutenant Edward P. Brooks, Acting Adjutant, was present at this
council, and he has written of it, "Bragg, Dawes, and Kilpatrick insisted on going on."
tBrooks says: "Burned Government warehouse, several thousand bushels of corn, fifty hogsheads of tobacco. Found ten barrels of peach brandy, and the men took a supply in their canteens, which refreshed them.
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get across our wooden bridge. We made a great march upon that day. Private William L> Riley, of Company "I," made the following note in his journal : "Part of the regiment left at a bridge. The rest goes on to Fredericks Hall station, and returns to Waller's tavern; about forty miles accomplished in one day. Big marching for infantry" We tore up about two miles of railroad track, so says Colonel Cutler*
On the afternoon of August 9th, 1862, an order was received by telegraph directing that King's division should join General Pope at Cedar Mountain which was forty -five miles distant. On this day was fought the bloody battle of Cedar Mountain between Stonewall Jackson's corps and our troops under command of General N. P. Banks. On the early morning of August 10th we left the old camp opposite Fredericksburgh, never to return. The regiment marched twenty-one miles that day and on the evening of the nth arrived near the scene of Cedar Mountain battle. General Jackson's army had retreated beyond the Rapidan. On this evening my contraband, whom I had employed in place of Jake, also deserted me. He smelled the battle from afar and "done got out." Sergeant Howard F.Pruyn of company "A" had in his employ a bright little yellow boy who had attracted my notice. The Sergeant could not keep a servant while on the march. I asked him if he thought this boy could do my work. He said he was a good and willing boy, but that he did not know anything and could not do my work. I was not in a position to be exacting, so I took him on trial. His name, William Jackson, will appear often in the after pages. A more excellent servant or a more faithful friend than he proved throughout the remainder of my service in the war could scarcely have been found.
?General Gibbon says in his official report of this affair : "I can not refer in too high terms, to the conduct of Colonel Cutler. To his energy and good judgment, seconded as he was by his fine regiment, the success of the expedition is entirely due." In Colonel Cutler's official report, occur these words : "I wish especially to notice Lieutenant Colonel Kilpatrick, and Major Davies of the cavalry, and Major Dawes of the infantry, for the prompt and efficient manner, in which they caused all my orders to be executed, also for the very valuable suggestions I received from them." See report Brigadier General Rufus King, Page 121, Volume XII, Series 1, Official Records of the War. Brigadier General John Gibbon, Page 122, Volume XII, Series 1, Official Records of the War. Colonel Lysander Cutler, Page 123, Volume XII, Series 1, Official Records of the War.
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We were now encamped directly upon the battle ground of Cedar Mountain, where we remained for a week. We were obliged to bury many of the rebel dead whose corpses, left half buried upon the field, were intolerable. This was our first contact with one of the real horrors of war. Private Riley's journal mentions the fact that while we were in this camp, there was a roll-call every two hours, which, he says was a "new wrinkle." The object was of course to keep the men at hand for action, as we were in the presence of a largely superior force of the enemy. On the 19th day of August, we began our retreat before the advancing army of General Lee. We marched back fifteen miles toward the Rappahannock and camped that night five miles from the river. On the early morning of August 20th, we resumed our northward march. Riley says that his company "I," under Captain Kellogg, was sent to build a bridge across the river above the railroad station and that they worked all night, com- pleting their bridge at daylight.
On the 20th day of August, our regiment crossed the Rappahannock, at the crossing of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. We encamped a mile from the bridge. On the afternoon of that day, cavalry of the enemy appeared on the opposite bank of the river. By the clouds of dust rising on all the roads, we could trace the advance of the rebel army. On the morning of the 21st of August, the enemy opened fire on our troops from a battery of artillery, about a mile above the bridge, the first artillery we had ever heard in actual battle. One of our batteries wheeled into position on a gallop, cheered by the excited shouts of our men, and was admirably served in reply. Private William Riley says of this artillery duel, which was witnessed with great interest by our novices : "Our battery got the better of them in a few shots, showing a better practice, and more accurate shooting. Our shells burst close to their guns, while the enemy fired wide of their mark." Gibbon's brigade was ordered to the right of King's division, and we marched along in the rear of the batteries, now all placed in order of battle to fire upon the enemy. As we came into range of the enemy's battery, they turned their fire full upon the sixth Wisconsin. This was our initiation. The shell whizzed and
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burst over us and around us. The men marched steadily, keeping their places, and holding their heads high. They soon learned that a discreet and respectful obeisance to a cannon ball is no indication of cowardice.
When our brigade had taken position, six companies of our regiment were ordered forward to cover the brigade front, and to advance as skirmishers to the river. Lieutenant Colonel Bragg was in command of these companies, I was second. General Patrick's brigade skirmish line, next on our left, was ordered to join us, and be governed by our movement. But Patrick's line did not wait, and Colonel Bragg, seeing Patrick's skirmishers advancing, ordered the right of his own line forward, before our deployment on the left was completed. By this accident, company "E," under Captain Edwin A. Brown, was switched off, and lost from the line, and no connection was made with General Patrick's skirmishers. Our line also swung away from the proper front, and in place of advancing toward the river, we gradually changed to moving up parallel with the river, opening at every step, the gap between us and General Patrick's skirmishers. The thick woods concealed all from our view. After passing through the woods, we came upon a body of cavalry with blue overcoats. I galloped up to the officer in command and asked him if he had seen any rebels. He said, "Yes, Sir, plenty of them, — just in that point of woods, not five minutes ago." So we pushed on pell mell across an open field toward "that point of woods." Sharp musketry skirmishing broke out directly behind us. It was Captain Brown with our lost company "E," and Lieutenant Charles P. Hyatt, with a platoon of company "B," gallantly driving this rebel cavalry, for such it was, across the river. But we had been sent on a fool's errand by a rebel company, who were dressed in Union blue overcoats. Brown's and Hyatt's men killed and wounded several of the enemy, and captured a Lieutenant and two private soldiers. These officers and their men won the first glory for the sixth Wisconsin on the field of actual battle. The interpretation of our movements by Private William L. Riley is amusing. He says, "Went up the river to reconnoitre fords."
Toward night our regiment was ordered to advance nearer the
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river. The rebels saw the movement, and opened fire upon us with a battery of artillery. Colonel Cutler halted, established guides, and aligned forward into the position assigned before he would allow the men to lie down. He said "you must get used to it." Fortunately the rebels were poor artillerists and did not hit us, so nobody was hurt. We learned to "lie down" in battle, later in our experience, without waiting to establish guides. In this new position, we were under a heavy artillery fire. During an interval, Colonel Cutler brought up his colored servant, an excellent cook, to make a pot of hot coffee, which he invited me to share with him, but, just as we sat down to enjoy our feast, the coffee-pot was knocked from the fire at least twenty feet in the air by a rebel shell. The darky, not stopping for his coffee-pot, left the field at the speed of a race horse. Our experiences the first day under fire, as we lost no men, were really valuable in showing the men, that artillery fire was not so dangerous as they had anticipated. During the next two days we were subjected by the rebels to, what I call in my journal, "several good shellings."
On August 23rd, we marched to the village of Warrenton. The rebel troops, judging from the clouds of dust which we could see beyond the river, were moving also. We marched to the Rappahannock at Warrenton Sulphur Springs, where we supported a battery, and were under fire of artillery nearly all day of August 26th.* At the Sulphur Springs, on August 27th, we were ordered to march with the utmost haste back to Centreville. The enemy was in great force between us and Washington, (Stonewall Jackson's corps.f) As we marched
- 0n this day, Lieutenant Edward P. Brooks, our Acting Adjutant, was
ordered to report to General Pope, to act as guide to the columns of troops from the Army of the Potomac. He guided General Philip Kearney's division, and rendered other service so excellent in character, that General Pope gave him letters of the highest commendation.
tLientenant Arthur C. Ellis, of Company "B," himself disabled from marching, was with the wagon train of our brigade at Manassas Junction, when the cavalry of General J. E. B. Stuart reached there. Our brigade park of twenty-one wagons, was a short distance from the headquarters wagon train of General Pope. General Pope's wagons, and all others in the vicinity, excepting those of our brigade, were captured and destroyed by Stuart's cavalry. But Lieutenant Ellis rallied the crippled and sick men from our brigade, and directing them to lie on the
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through Warrenton, wagon-loads of hard tack and pork were being destroyed, but the emergency seemed to be considered so great that the troops were not allowed to halt and fill their nearly empty haversacks, and some of our men were marching hungry. Time would have been gained by stopping a few moments to eat. We passed through New Baltimore and camped for the night near Buckland's Mills. Before daylight on August 28th, we were again on the march. About the middle of the forenoon, we halted for some time in the road near Gainesville. Quite a large body of rebel prisoners passed us here. Artillery fire was heard toward the Bull Run battle field. We pushed on for two miles, when we turned off from the turnpike into a piece of timber on the right hand side of the road. Here we remained until four o'clock in the afternoon. Beef was killed, and a ration issued. About this hour, General McDowell, according to his own testimony, became convinced that the troops who had been firing on our men, "were a small reconnoitering party, not worthy of mention to the Commanding General," and he ordered King's division to march on the turnpike to Centreville. General McDowell himself then left his corps, and having, he says, "important business with General Pope," he went to find that General and in the search became "lost in the woods." He remained lost in the woods during the entire night.
General Stonewall Jackson, at that very hour, was forming a column of eighteen thousand men along the Warrenton turnpike to attack General McDowell, and this force was scarcely two miles away. After watching our extraordinary movements for a season, Jackson says: "By this time it was sunset. * * * I determined to attack at once, which was vigorously done by the divisions of Taliaferro and Ewell" (six brigades). This attack, it will be seen, struck the second Wisconsin and nineteenth Indiana regiments.
Our division moved, as ordered, back to the turnpike and then along the turnpike toward Centreville, first, Hatch's brigade: second, Gibbon's; third, Doubleday's; fourth, Patrick's.
ground under the wagons, successfully defended, and saved from capture our train. The attack upon them was made at midnight. It was a very gallant deed, and of especial value to us, as all of our papers and much property were with the wagons.
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The Battle of Gainesville. General Hatch, in advance, sent the 14th Brooklyn regiment as advance guard and flankers. I remember seeing the line of their red legs on the green slope of the same hill from which the enemy fired upon us, but they discovered no enemy. Our brigade moved along the turnpike on that quiet summer evening as unsuspectingly as if changing camp. Suddenly the stillness was broken by six cannon shots fired in rapid succession by a rebel battery, point blank at our regiment. The shell passed over the heads of our men, and burst in the woods beyond. Surprise is no sufficient word for our astonishment, but the reverberation had not died away when gallant old Colonel Cutler's familiar voice rang out sharp and loud, "Battalion, halt 1 ,! Front! Load at will! Load!" The men fairly jumped in their eagerness, and the iron ramrods were jingling, when — "Bang ! Bang ! " went the rebel cannon again. Again they overshot our men, but a poor horse was knocked over and over against the turnpike fence. "Lie down !" shouted Colonel Cutler. Fortunately a little bank along the roadside gave us good cover. Battery, "B," 4th U. S. artillery, now came down the turnpike on a gallop. Quickly tearing away the fence, they wheeled into position in the open field, and the loud crack of their brass twelve pounders echoed the rebel cannon. Thus opened our first real battle. General Gibbon ordered the 2nd Wisconsin and 19th Indiana regiments to move forward upon the enemy. This attack of General Gibbon was made upon the theory that a comparatively small force of the enemy was present. (See reports of Gibbon and Doubleday.) No sooner had the 2nd Wisconsin shown its line in the open field, than there burst upon them a flame of musketry, while Confederate batteries distributed along about a mile of front opened with shell and and round shot. Under this terrible fire the second was obliged to change front before they could return a shot. We could not see them nor the 19th Indiana, owing to the intervening woods, but we heard the awful crash of musketry, and we knew there was serious work ahead. Captain J. D. Wood, of Gibbon's staff, came galloping down the turnpike with an order for the sixth to move forward into action. "Forward, guide centre," ordered the
61
Colonel. The word here ran down the line from a remark of Captain Wood's, that the second was being slaughtered, and when Colonel Cutler shouted "March," every man scrambled up the bank and over the fence, in the face of shot and shell, with something the feeling that one would hurry to save a friend from peril. My horse partook of the fierce excitement, and ran up the bank and leaped a fence like a squirrel. I could now see the men of the second Wisconsin. They were under the concentrated fire of at least six times their own number of the enemy. Our regiment, five hundred and four men in ranks, pushed forward rapidly in perfect line of battle, field officers and Adjutant E. P Brooks mounted and in their places, and colors advanced and flying in the breeze. Colonel Cutler was on a large dark bay, well known to all the men as "Old Prince." Colonel Bragg rode a pure white horse ofhigh mettle, which was skittish and unmanageable. My own sturdy old mare was always steady under fire.
The regiment advanced without firing a shot, making a half wheel to the left in line of battle as accurately as if on the drill ground. Through the battle smoke into which we were advancing, I could see a blood red sun, sinking behind the hills. I can not account for our immunity from the fire of the enemy while on this advance. When at a short range, Colonel Cutler ordered the regiment to halt and fire. The seventh Wisconsin now came forward and passed into the ranks of the second Wisconsin. Our united fire did great execution. It seemed to throw the rebels into complete confusion, and they fell back into the woods behind them. We now gave a loud and jubilant cheer throughout the whole line of our brigade. Our regiment was on low ground which, in the gathering darkness, gave us great advantage over the enemy, as they overshot our line. The other three regiments of the brigade were on higher ground than the enemy. There was space enough vacant between our regiment and the others for a thousand men. Colonel Cutler sat upon his horse near the colors at the center of the regiment. Lieut. Colonel Bragg was on the right and, being myself upon the left, I was in good position to observe the progress of the battle. It was quite dark when the enemy's yelling columns again came forward, and
62
they came with a rush. Our men on the left loaded and fired with the energy of madmen, and the sixth worked with an equal desperation, This stopped the rush of the enemy, and they halted and fired upon us their deadly musketry. During a few awful moments, I could see by the lurid light of the powder flashes, the whole of both lines. I saw a rebel mounted officer shot from his horse at the very front of their battle line. It was evident that we were being overpowered and that our men were giving ground. The two crowds, they could hardly be called lines, were within, it seemed to me, fifty yards of each other, and they were pouring musketry into each other as rapidly as men could load and shoot. Two of General Doubleday's regiments (56th Pennsylvania and 76th New York,) now came suddenly into the gap on the left of our regiment, and they fired a crashing volley. Hurrah ! They have come at the very nick of time. The low ground saved our regiment, as the enemy overshot us in the darkness. Men were falling in the sixth, but our loss was small compared to that suffered by the regiments on the left. I rode along our line and when near Colonel Cutler, he said, "Our men are giving ground on the left, Major." "Yes, Sir," said I. I heard a distinct sound of the blow that struck him. He gave a convulsive start and clapped his hand on his leg, but he controlled his voice. He said, "Tell Colonel Bragg to take command, I am shot." Almost at the same time "Old Prince" was shot ; but he carried his master safely from the field. I rode quickly to Lieut. Colonel Bragg and he at once took command of the regiment. There was cheering along our line and it was again standing firmly. General Doubleday's two regiments by their opportune arrival and gallant work, aided much in turning the battle in our favor. The "Little Colonel" (Bragg,) always eager to push forward in a fight, advanced the regiment several rods. But soon the enemy came on again just as before, and our men on the left could be seen on the hill, in the infernal light of the powder flashes, struggling as furiously as ever. I could distinctly see Lieut. Colonel Fairchild, of the second Wisconsin and Lieut. Colonel Hamilton of the seventh Wisconsin, and other officers whom I recognized, working among and cheering up their men. Men who had been shot were streaming back
63
from along the whole line. Our regiment was suffering more severely than it had been ; but, favored by the low ground, we kept up a steady, rapid, and well aimed fire. As I galloped backward and forward along the line, my horse encountered ditches. Excited by the firing, cheering, and whizzing of the rebel shells, she would squat and jump a long distance in crossing them. How long our men withstood this last attack, I can not estimate, but, in the history of war, it is doubtful whether there was ever more stubborn courage than was displayed by the second and seventh Wisconsin and nineteenth Indiana regiments, on this field of battle. The only reason why I speak less of the 19th Indiana regiment is because I could not see them so distinctly. Our line on the left gradually fell back. It did not break but slowly gave ground, firing as savagely as ever. The rebels did not advance. Colonel Bragg directed our regiment to move by a backward step, keeping up our fire and keeping on a line with our brigade. But one of the companies of the right wing ("C") became broken by the men marching backward into a ditch. Colonel Bragg halted the regiment to enable them to reform their line, and upon this ground we stood until the enemy ceased firing. The other regiments of the brigade fell back to the turnpike. After an interval of quiet, Colonel Bragg called upon the regiment to give three cheers. No response of any kind was given by the enemy. It was now about nine o'clock, and the night was very dark. Feeling assured the battle was over, measures then were taken to secure the burial of our eight dead men, and to hunt up our sixty-one wounded. Three men were missing.* The regiment moved back by the left of companies and formed in the edge of the piece of woods. By direction of the Colonel, I rode toward the left to ascertain the location of our other troops. I came suddenly in the darkness upon a marching column. Fortunately, I kept still and soon discovered myself to be by the side of a rebel regiment. I rode quietly along for a short distance with them and turned off into the darkness unheeded. General Gibbon directed us to remain
- One of our be8t officers, Lieutenant Jerome B. Johnson, of Company
"E," was found severely wounded. Surgeon A. J. Ward, of the second Wisconsin, remained with our wounded men.
64
where we were. The enemy, a short distance away, was caring for their wounded and burying their dead. We could hear their conversation, but ordered our picket line not to fire or in any way to disclose our proximity.
About half past twelve o'clock at night we marched back through the woods to the turnpike. Painful to relate, to this woods many of our wounded had gone when shot in the battle. They were now scattered about under its dark shadows, suffering and groaning and some were dying. In the pitchy darkness we stumbled upon them. This was the battle for which we had so long been yearning. On the turnpike we found hasty preparations for retreat and at about one o'clock A. M. we silently filed away in the darkness, muffling the rattling tin cups, and turning our course toward Manassas Junction. As major I rode at the rear of our regiment. Presently there sifted out from the marching column numbers of wounded men, who were struggling to keep with their comrades and to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy.* I saw Captain John F. Marsh, who had been shot in the knee, drop to the rear, and dismounting from my horse, I lifted him to the saddle, marching through on foot myself. My steady old mare did the service of a good Samaritan. Each stirrup strap and even her tail were an aid to help along the weak and weary. The cry at such times is for water, water. There was none left in the canteens. But we deemed ourselves very fortunate. We had lost 72 from our 504 men in battle. But the second Wisconsin ! 298 men of [the splendid second Wisconsin had been killed or wounded in the fight and they had taken not more than 500 men into action. The 7th Wisconsin and the 19th Indiana had suffered in almost the same terrible proportion. Of twelve field officers in the brigade, but four remained for duty, and two of them were of our regiment. The second Wisconsin regiment had been almost mortally wounded. Never afterward could be filled the places of such soldiers as went down at Gaines- ville. For free and easy movement, combined with exact
- A second Wisconsin man, E. S. Williams, whose leg was later amputated,
in some manner crawled over, that nine miles, and another man of that regiment, Hugh Lewis, went over the road on that fearful night, to have his arm amputated in the morning.
«5
precision and perfect time, that battalion had a little surpassed us all on the brigade drill ground. The elan of the old second Wisconsin could not be excelled. It has passed into the history of our country, as the regiment which had the largest number of men killed in battle, in proportion to its numbers, of any regiment engaged in the war for the Union. Gainesville contributed much to this unequalled list of dead upon the field of glory. But the weary and dreadful lists of battle casualties can not be repeated here, they must be looked for upon the official records of the war. About daylight we reached our bivouac near Manassas and flung ourselves exhausted upon the ground for rest.
Leaving the tired brigade in its heavy slumber, we may con- sider briefly the Battle of Gainesville.
The cold figures speak for the battle power shown by our glorious brigade, more eloquently than language can express. Stonewall Jackson sent into action six brigades of infantry and three batteries of artillery. The brigades were: Trimble's, Lawton's and Early's of Kwell's division, and Starke's, Baylor's, and Taliaferro's, of the Stonewall division, thirty regiments of infantry, at least eight thousand men. The batteries in action were, Wooding's, Pogue's, and Carpenter's. Our force engaged could not have exceeded three thousand men. The officially reported loss of Ewell's division was seven hundred and fifty- nine.* The loss of the Stonewall division was not less. Gibbon's brigade lost seven hundred and fifty-four and General Rufus King has testified that the entire loss of our six regiments and one battery f engaged, was one thousand men. It is now made quite certain by the Confederate Official Records that our troops inflicted upon them a loss of fifteen hundred men. This is reasonably explained by the fact that the Confederate force twice advanced in columns of attack. Our men stuck desperately and persistently to one deployed line, from which they delivered a steady and well aimed fire. At the time of the hottest firing, the troops were stationed approximately as shown in the diagram given. The Confederate brigades are arranged
- See Page 813, Volume 12, Part II, War Records.
t"B," 4th U. S. artillery.
66
in the order that seems to be indicated by their own official reports. I have not attempted to locate their artillery.
WOODS.
- * * * »
ii -nWision. Ewell's Division
,tve*» tt V Early.
^
e\o
¦Ra-y\oT. btarke. Trimble. r
19th 2d & 7th. 56th Pa. 6th Wis. Ind. Wis. 76th N. Y.
- T»»+ + — _ T>
- Battery B.
Woods.
tttttt
Patrick's Brigade, Doubleday, 6th Wis.f Warrenton Turnpike on turnpike. 95th N. Y.
fPoint where fired on.
I do not feel that our army commander, General Pope, has in his official statements of this battle, done justice to our troops engaged. I much prefer the more worthy tributes from the Generals who were opposed to us upon that bloody field. The Confederate General, T. J. Jackson, says in his official report in regard to this battle : "The conflict was fierce and sanguinary. The federals did not attempt to advance, but maintained their ground with obstinate determination. Both lines stood exposed to the discharge of musketry and artillery until about nine o'clock, when the enemy slowly retired, yielding the field to our troops. The loss on both sides was heavy and among our wounded were Major General Ewell and Brigadier General Taliaferro."
The Confederate General, William B. Taliaferro, who com- manded Jackson's old division, three brigades in the battle, says in his official report: "Here one of the most terrific contests that can be conceived occurred. The enemy never once attempted to advance upon our position, but withstood with great determination the terrible fire which our lines poured upon them. For two hours and a half, without an instant's cessation of the
/
'STONEWALL JACKSON.
$L^cU^Q&^JLu>*
67
most deadly discharges of musketry, round shot and shell, both lines stood unmoved, neither advancing and neither broken nor yielding, until at last, about nine o'clock at night, the enemy slowly and sullenly fell back and yielded to our victorious troops."*
General John F. Reynolds says, "After the firing ceased I saw General King, who determined to maintain his position.^ I left about 9 o'clock P M., to return to my division, promising to bring it up early in the morning to his support."! General Reynolds commanded the Pennsylvania Reserve division, twenty- five hundred of the best possible quality of veteran soldiers. But a Council of War was afterward held by the Generals of King's division. The old adage was again verified that "A Council of War never fights." General King has written as follows : "Then came the question, what next to be done. The enemy in greatly superior force barred the way in which the division was marching. The only alternative was to deflect to the right to join the bulk of Pope's army in the vicinity of Manassas." It seems however that the bulk of Pope's army was not then at Manassas. This movement was an abandonment of the ground we held between Lee's army and Jackson's isolated corps. Brigadier General Gibbon, who so gallantly attacked the enemy with his single brigade, says in his own official report: "I sent repeated and earnest requests to Division headquarters (General King) for assistance." "I sent repeatedly and urgently to Generals King, Doubleday and Patrick for assistance, but the two regiments of Doubleday's brigade was the only assistance furnished me." General Doubleday sent his two regiments however, to assist Gibbon, without orders to do so from General King. He says in his report: "Receiving no orders, and unable
- In Volume XII, Series 1, Part II, War Records, may be found official
reports of the battle of Gainesville.
Brigadier General John Gibbon Pages 377 and 379.
Letter of General Gibbon, Page 380.
Report Lieutenant Colonel E.S.Bragg, " 382.
" General A. Doubleday, " 369.
" J. P. Hatch, " 367.
" Casualities, " 380.
tGolden words for General King.
{Page 393, Volume XII, Series I, Part II, War Records.
68
to obtain them, I almost immediately sent two regiments of my brigade, the 56th Pennsylvania, under Colonel S. A. Meredith, and the 76th New York under Colonel W P Wainwright, to aid Gibbon. Knowing he would be overpowered if not succored, I immediately complied with his earnest request and sent him the two regiments referred to, leaving myself but one regiment (95th New York) in reserve." General Gibbon says: "Patrick's brigade remained immovable and did not fire a shot," and he says also, "No superior general officer was in the vicinity with the requisite knowledge and authority to order up troops to our support."
I have searched the official records in vain for further explanation of the management of this battle. Our Corps Commander, General McDowell, had no part in the affair, for he was "lost in the woods."
What a painful contrast is presented in the records of the Generals of the enemy. The rebel Corps Commander, Stonewall Jackson, conducted the battle in person. Two rebel Generals of Division were shot in the fight, (Ewell and Taliaferro). Jackson had exact knowledge of the field, a clear purpose, concentrated action by his troops, and his Generals led their men to battle. On the afternoon of this day, August 28th, 1862, was lost the only opportunity that occurred in that campaign to attack Jackson with superior forces while separated from Lee. The verdict of history is likely to be, that the opportunity was "lost in the woods."*
The best blood of Wisconsin and Indiana was poured out like water, and it was spilled for naught. Against a dark background of blunders, imbecilities, jealousies and disasters in the Pope campaign, stands in bright relief the gallant conduct of our heroic leader, John Gibbon. Whatever history may do for others, his fame is as safe as that of the faithful and gallant heroes of the brigade he commanded.
But let us now return to our sleeping brigade at Manassas. A
- See Pages 328 to 331, Volume XII, Part 1, War Records. The McDowell
Court of Inquiry. "The court finds that he, (McDowell) separated himself from his command at a critical time, without any orders from his superior officer and without any imperative necessity."
^^(^/^w/
69
fresh beef ration has been issued and hot coffee has been made, and at nine o'clock all are listening to the sounds of battle that come from the old Bull Run field. There is a heavy sound of cannon and an occasional ripple of musketry. We were near the railroad track, which branches off at Manassas Junction. I was myself aroused from a sleep by the heavy tramp of hurrying feet I arose to see the corps of General Fitz John Porter passing by us toward the battle field. At the time they were passing, the cannon were roaring so loudly that the men fully believed they were marching directly to battle. They appeared fresh and in good spirits and the corps was a remarkably fine body of troops. The men marched rapidly, appeared to be well fed, and there was a great contrast between them and our own exhausted troops. As things are in a battle campaign they were in excellent con- dition. They showed quite a contempt for us as of "Pope's army." They said : "We are going up to show you 'straw feet' how to fight." The lesson did not prove to be impressive. All through the ranks of Porter's Corps was a running fire of disparagement of us as "Pope's " soldiers, something quite inferior to the Army of the Potomac. Of course our men retorted. There was one regiment of Zouaves with baggy trousers (Duryea's I think). I remember one of our men said : "Wait till you get where we have been. You'll get the slack taken out of your pantaloons and the swell out of your heads."
We remained until some time in the afternoon when we marched back toward the field of battle where a heavy engagement seemed to be in progress. We moved along the Manassas Gap Railroad and turned on to the road to Sudley Springs. As we marched up to the battle field that afternoon, we could see heavy clouds of dust stretching away toward Thoroughfare Gap. This of course was caused by the advancing army of General L,ee, but it was interpreted to us at the time as indicating that Jackson was retreating to join Lee. Private Riley states in his journal : "Upon our arrival at the Warrenton turnpike, General McDowell, who sat upon his horse by the road side, said, 'We have been driving the enemy all day.' " Riley also says in his journal that General McDowell used this language : "Give him a good poke, boys. He is getting sick," meaning the enemy. General
70
McDowell wore a peculiarly shaped cap at this time which was commented upon by the men.
King's division was formed in two lines of battle in a large open field, but Gibbon's brigade was detached and ordered away, and we marched toward the right, nearly a mile and a half. We went into position in support of batteries of artillery, relieving troops who marched toward the front. It was about sunset. King's division, excepting ourselves, had become involved in a very sharp battle with the enemy. Listening to this musketry, we deemed ourselves exceedingly fortunate to have escaped a fight. Our one night's experience at Gainesville had eradicated our yearning for a fight. In our future history we will always be found ready but never again anxious.
A few artillery shots from the enemy whistled over us, but we soon fell into a profound and much needed slumber. Battle of Bull Run Second.
The sun rose clear on the morning of August 30th, 1862, and during the forenoon the troops of our army were moving quietly into position. From our hill we had an excellent view of the field. The whole of our army was spread before us, but inter- vening timber hid the enemy from our sight. The drift of talk was that the rebels were falling back. About three o'clock in the afternoon, we were ordered forward to "pursue the enemy." We marched on the Warrenton turnpike, perhaps half a mile, when our brigade was formed into two lines of battle in an open field on the right hand side. General Patrick's brigade was in front of us, formed also in two lines of battle. We had thus at our point of attack four lines of battle. Before us was woods, beyond which a railroad embankment. Behind this embankment quietly awaiting the attack were our antagonists at Gainesville, the veteran army corps of Stonewall Jackson. Just before we entered the edge of the woods, our brigade was changed to one line of battle with the sixth Wisconsin on the right. As the troops entered the woods a very heavy artillery fire broke out upon our left, (Longstreet's). Musketry opened in our front. Bullets, canister, shell, and the men said, " scraps of railroad iron," tore through the limbs and brush over us and around us. We pushed on, advancing as the lines in front of us advanced
'-0^.^ X) /C «<-
71
and lying down on the ground when they stopped. There was no order to charge upon the enemy, and we wondered why such orders were not given. Thus we slowly advanced. Suddenly, the lines in our front broke and the men ran back in great disorder. The rebels raised a tremendous shout, and poured in a heavy fire of musketry. The sharp artillery fire of the enemy which enfiladed our line, added to the panic and confusion. Colonel Bragg shouted, "Sixth Wisconsin, kneel down ! Captains, keep your men down ! L,et nobody tramp on them!" General Gibbon himself came running up on foot with his revolver drawn, shouting, Stop those stragglers ! — Make them fall in! — Shoot them if they don't!" It was a new experience, but we were not swept away. Our men were down with bayonets set, when the fugitives began to swarm upon them. All the officers were struggling to stop stragglers and force them to join our ranks. Many were held with us, but no Union troops were left in front of us. General Gibbon directed Colonel Bragg to throw forward a company as skirmishers. This was a fearful duty. Colonel Bragg called for my old company "K."
"Who faltered or shivered ? Who shunned battle stroke ? Whose fire was uncertain? Whose battle line broke ? Go ask it of history, Years from to-day, And the record shall tell you, Not 'company K.' "
The boys immediately sprang up under command of Captain David Iy. Quaw, and deployed forward upon a run. We could see them firing and dodging from tree to tree. They met a rebel skirmish line coming forward through the woods, and they drove it back upon the rebel line of battle. The spirit and conduct of company "K" was beyond praise. The panic and retreat of our own troops and the exultant shouts of thousands of rebel soldiers did not daunt these men. Captain Quaw says that "after the rebel skirmishers retreated, there arose up from behind a railroad bank, a mass of rebel soldiers several ranks deep. I shouted to my men to 'tree.' I jumped behind a small tree myself, where I must have shrunk to the dimensions of a wafer.
72
A dozen bullets hit that tree. I did not wait for the rebels to fire again, but ordered the men back to the regiment."
All the troops that had been in the woods, except the sixth Wisconsin, had now retreated and gone to the rear. Brigadier General John Gibbon, be it ever remembered to his honor, re- mained with our regiment. He said he had received no orders to retreat and he should stay until he got them. The regiment was now lying on the ground, subjected to a fire from rebel sharp-shoot- ers and quite a number of our men were killed or wounded by them. A bullet would strike a man who would writhe, groan and die or spring up, throw away his impediments and start for the rear. Our men peered through the leaves, shooting at the puffs of powder smoke from the muskets of the rebels. As I walked along the line, some men of company "I" said : "Major, don't go near that tree." I was not aware what tree, but had wit enough to jump away. Spat, went a bullet against a tree, cutting a corner from my haversack. They had noticed that the tree had been several times struck by the bullets of a sharp shooter. A soldier of a New York regiment lay wounded in front of our line. He begged piteously for water and for help. First Sergeant, Charles Lampe, of company "F" went to give him a swallow from his canteen and was himself shot dead by the merciless bullet of the sharp-shooter. Private William Bickel- haupt, of company "F," had been shot through the body, and I heard the poor little boy, for such he was, in plaintive broken English telling his comrades what to write to his "Mutter."
It now being evident that no staff officer could bring us orders of any kind, General Gibbon directed Colonel Bragg to form a line of skirmishers to cover the retreat of the regiment, and to move to the rear. The skirmishers were quickly deployed and Colonel Bragg ordered the regiment to face about and march back. But the rebels redoubled their fire, killing and wounding quite a number ot our men. Bragg immediately ordered the regiment to face to the front. Our skirmishers were hotly engaged with the enemy. By a slow backward step, we moved out of the woods. Upon reaching the open ground, Colonel Bragg faced the regiment by the rear rank and took a steady double quick. It was full three quarters of a mile over the open
73
fields to the place where our new lines were forming. The sixth Wisconsin regiment alone upon the plain, in full sight of both armies, marched this distance. General Rufus King in describing this scene says: "The sixth Wisconsin, the very last to retire, marched slowly and steadily to the rear, with column formed and colors flying, faced the front as they reached their new position, and saluted the approaching enemy with three cheers and a rattling volley." General King is in error as to the volley. We should have killed our following skirmish line by such firing. The regiment was ordered into position in support of battery "B," 4th U. S. artillery. We we're on a high point, commanding the Warrenton turnpike and the open fields over which we had retreated. Just as the line was being formed, a solid shot cut off the tail of a fine bay horse ridden by Lieutenant James Stewart, of battery "B." *The shot gave the horse a deep cut across the rump, the scar of which lasted his life-time. The ¦horse's tail flew into the faces of men of our regiment, switching them severely.
It was now late in the afternoon. The rebels (Longstreet's corps) directed a heavy fire of artillery on us, and began a general advance of their infantry toward our left. We could see regiment after regiment of the enemy moving in column by division, and forming into line of battle as they advanced upon our men. From the point where we lay upon the ground, the view of the battle was extensive. Our batteriea were all actively firing upon the advancing columns of the enemy. Their artillery was also in action. The solid shot and shell struck around us and whizzed over us. Occasionally a horse would be killed by them, and one man's head was carried away entirely. Such sights very severely test one's nerves. A solid shot will plow into the ground, spitefully scattering the dirt, and bound a hundred feet into the air, looking as it flies swiftly away like an India rubber playing ball. We could see every movement of the left wing of our own army, and of the right wing of the rebel army. Our lines were in open fields in front of a strip of woods. The rebel musketry fire was pouring from the woods upon our men who were closing together and rallying under the attack.
?This horse was called "Tartar."
74
Regiments would sweep splendidly forward into the front line, fire a crashing volley into the woods and then work with great energy But they quickly withered away until there would appear to be a mere company crowding around the colors. The open fields were covered with wounded and stragglers, going to the rear. The rebels charged up a ravine endeavoring to capture an Ohio battery upon our immediate left. The second and seventh Wisconsin had been consolidated and were under command of Lieutenant Colonel Lucius Fairchild. Colonel Fairchild had his men change front and attack the enemy, who were quickly driven back and the battery saved. We could now see that our troops upon the left were being driven back in confusion over the open fields. This outflanked our position, and it was evident that we must soon draw back our line. General Joseph Hooker, who was mounted on a white horse, rode up among the guns of our artillery and carefully noted the situation of affairs. He ordered batteries and infantry to retire Regiments moved steadily by the right of companies to the rear, the batteries moved also in retreat. A rebel line in our front rose up from the ground and advanced slowly after us. It was a strange sight, our blue line slowly retreating and the long gray line slowly and quietly following. When we halted and formed again, the rebels halted and lay down on the ground. It was growing dark. There was still a heavy roll of musketry to our left and some sharp firing on our right. By nine o'clock, all had died away.* About ten o'clock, General Philip Kearny came up
- Casualties in the Battles of Gainesville and Bull Run.
Woun
Miss-
Killed
ded.
ing.
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00
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u 60 til
Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers
Second Wisconsin Volunteers Seventh Wisconsin Volunteers Nineteenth Indiana Volunteers
Total
87 205 145 161
4 144 27 598 1 119 893
11 31 33
119 298 217
44 259
^fxst^cU 9^f£ ^£^W
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in rear of our regiment, which now lay across the Warrenton turnpike near the stone bridge over Bull Run. He informed us that our brigade was to be the rear guard of the army which was in full retreat. We had not before suspected the real extent of the disaster. General Kearny remained with us anxiously watching the front, and Colonel Bragg and I had much conversa- tion with him. It was after midnight when we started for the rear. Mock camp fires had been built to deceive the enemy. We lay down to rest at a point three miles from the battle field and on the early morning of August 31st, we drew back across Cub Run, forming a line of battle on the eastern bank. About noon of that day we marched from Cub Run to Centreville. We bivouacked near Centreville. Late at night, I was sent out to establish a line of pickets. Our men, after the privations, labor, and intense excitement of three successive days in battle, were unfitted for such duty. One man placed on picket post in the woods, in the bewilderment of his senses, got him- self faced toward our camp instead of toward the enemy. When he was approached by his comrades to relieve him, he mis- took them for the enemy and fired upon them and killed Rudolph Fine of Company "I."
On September 1st, 1862, we marched six miles toward Fairfax Court House. On the afternoon of this day occurred the battle of Chantilly, in which fell General Philip Kearny. We were in line of battle, but at some distance to the right of the troops engaged. A heavy storm was prevailing during this battle. The noise of the artillery and musketry intermingling with the roll of very sharp thunder produced a striking effect. The darkness incident to a sky overcast with heavy, rolling clouds, lighted up alternately by flashes of lightning and the flames of artillery, made a scene long to be remembered. Several wagon trains became jammed together on the turnpike and a great panic ensued. Wagons were two or three abreast, and the mules going at a full gallop. There came a sudden crash and a jam, and wild cursing and shouting by the drivers.
September 2nd, we marched twelve miles to Upton's Hill, within six miles of Washington and went into position. As the column approached Upton's Hill, the announcement
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was made that General George B. McClellan had been placed in command of all the troops. There was genuine enthusiasm at this news. General John P: Hatch who was commanding our division, swung his sword and called for cheers, which were given with an uproarious good will and repeated. Open sneering at General Pope was heard upon all sides. It began with the advent of the troops from the Army of the Potomac, and it spread through our whole body General Pope made a grave blunder when he assailed the ingrained hero worship ot General McClellan, which possessed our troops. The force of this feeling can be little understood now, because conditions akin to those which affected us have passed away. Such a feeling, as that for General McClellan, was never aroused for another leader in the war. An intense party spirit attended these conditions. The Army of the Potomac was smarting under criticism, and was disappointed at its own failure to meet the unduly elevated hopes and expectations of the people. Richmond had not been taken. Pope was now defeated, and there were those even in high position, who seemed to glory in the fact. Those were dark days for the administration of President Lincoln. He pursued the only course left to him, and he acted wisely in placing General McClellan again in command. The animadversions against the President himsell, for what was called "interference" with the plans of his Generals, were common and severe throughout the army.
(Letter.) Upton's Hiix, September 5th, 1862.
My dear mother : — "I have tried in several ways to send you word of my safety. We have had a terrible ordeal. We were in battle or skirmish almost every day from August 21st to 31st. Our brigade has lost eight hundred men; our regiment, one hundred and twenty-five. The country knows how nobly our men have borne themselves. I have been at my post in every battle."
On Upton's Hill, we received our delayed mail. Colonel Bragg found several letters urging him to stand as a War candidate for congress. From Bragg's reply to such solicitation, I give an extract: "Say to Judge Flint that I shall not decline a nomination on the platform, the Government must be sustained,
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but my services can not be taken from the field. I command the regiment, and can not leave in times like these." Brave words from our gallant "little Colonel."
Colonel Cutler had a curious experience in Washington, which well illustrates conditions in that city after the Pope campaign, and how they affected the temper of the great War Minister, Edwin M. Stanton. Colonel Cutler had bought a new uniform, and as soon as he could walk, he went with great difficulty, leaning on two canes, to pay his respects to the Honorable Secretary of War. The office of the Secretary was, as usual, crowded, and the Colonel patiently waited for his turn to be received. As the Colonel approached, the Secretary, with a glance at the new coat and bright brass buttons, blustered out as only Mr. Stanton could, "What in h — 1 and — — nation are you doing in Washington ? Why don't you go to your regiment, where you are neededi" Colonel Cutler answered: "If I had not been shot and a fool, I would never have come here. Good day, Mr. Secretary."
- ↑ See pages 309—310, Volume 12, Part III, War Records, for strength and composition of McDowell's corps on May 31st. 1862. Present for duty in the corps, officers, 2,023, men, 42,422. In King's division, officers, 466, men, 8,560.
- ↑ The "little fellows" of Company "K" were Silas W. Temple, John R. Towle, Charles M. Taylor, George E. Chamberlain, Cassius Griggs and Aaron Yates. They were young, slight, round cheeked boys, who endured their hardships with a cheerful patience that won us all. The leather straps cut their shoulders, and the weight was too heavy under the hot sun, and pressed upon their lungs. They were not fitted to become beasts of burden, nor were they thus rendering the cause a useful service.
- ↑ ---- was trying to carry water on both shoulders, and as usual in such cases, it tipped over and spilled upon him. Colonel Cutler was an able commander, but not a good politician. It was a blunder to ask for an expression of preference by the officers, especially when he was already supported by the solid line of Brigadier Generals.
